appeal to congress for impartial suffrage answer key

They are able, vigilant, devoted. But suffrage for the negro, while easily sustained upon abstract principles, demands consideration upon what are recognized as the urgent necessities of the case. He is a man, and by every fact and argument by which any man can sustain his right to vote, the negro can sustain his right equally. Masses of men can take care of themselves. Peace to the country has literally meant war to the loyal men of the South, white and black; and negro suffrage is the measure to arrest and put an end to that dreadful strife. It will swallow all the unconstitutional test oaths, repeal all the ordinances of Secession, repudiate the Rebel debt, promise to pay the debt incurred in conquering its people, pass all the constitutional amendments, if only it can have the negro left under its political control. Strong as we are, we need the energy that slumbers in the black mans arm to make us stronger. It is enough that the possession and exercise of the elective franchise is in itself an appeal to the nobler elements of or will you profit by the blood-bought wisdom all round you, and forever expel every vestige of the old abomination from our national borders? Which of the following sentences from the essay "An Appeal - Kunduz The spectacle of these dusky millions thus imploring, not demanding, is touching; and if American statesmen could be moved by a simple appeal to the nobler elements of human nature, if they had not fallen, seemingly, into the incurable habit of weighing and measuring every proposition of reform by some standard of profit and loss, doing wrong from choice, and right only from necessity or some urgent demand of human selfishness, it would be enough to plead for the negroes on the score of past services and sufferings. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. by John W. Blassingame (transcription project) If these bless them, they are blest indeed; but if these blast them, they are blasted indeed. Douglass, Helen, 1838-1903. Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? The lamb may not be trusted with the wolf. It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. 5 0 obj History is said to repeat itself, and, if so, having wanted the negro once, we may want him again. H H JFIF H H Adobe_CM Adobe d But no such an appeal shall be relied on here. It is true that they came to the relief of the country at the hour of its extremest need. As you members of the Thirty-ninth Congress decide, will the country be peaceful, united, and happy, or troubled, divided, and miserable. They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. You have read "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" by "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" Contributor Names Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 Created / Published January-April 1881 Subject Headings - Douglass, Frederick, 1818-1895 . Does any sane man doubt for a moment that the men who followed Jefferson Davis through the late terrible Rebellion, often marching barefooted and hungry, naked and penniless, and who now only profess an enforced loyalty, would plunge this country into a foreign war to-day, if they could thereby gain their coveted independence, and their still more coveted mastery over the negroes? African American Pamphlet Collection (Library of Congress). Forego a bottle of soda and donate its cost to us for the information you just learned, and feel good about helping to make it available to everyone. An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage "Statesmen, beware what you do. His right to a participation in the production and operation of government is an inference from his nature, as direct and self-evident as is his right to acquire property or education. Casting aside all thought of justice and magnanimity, is it wise to impose upon the negro all the burdens involved in sustaining government against foes within and foes without, to make him equal sharer in all sacrifices for the public good, to tax him in peace and conscript him in war, and then coldly exclude him from the ballot-box? We have thus far only gained a Union without unity, marriage without love, victory without peace. Credit Line: Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, The Frederick Douglass Papers at the Library of Congress, More about Copyright and other Restrictions. For in respect to this grand measure it is the good fortune of the negro that enlightened selfishness, not less than justice, fights on his side. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. To appreciate the full force of this argument, it must be observed, that disfranchisement in a republican government based upon the idea of human equality and universal suffrage, is a very different thing from disfranchisement in governments based upon the idea of the divine right of kings, or the entire subjugation of the masses. Frederick Douglass: An Appeal To Congress For Impartial Suffrage 753 Words | 4 Pages. Find an answer to your question Language Development: Convention and Style-from "Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," Frederick Douglass I need this pl NarminZan20 NarminZan20 01/07/2021 Is the present movement in England in favor of manhood suffrage--for the purpose of bringing four millions of British subjects into full sympathy and co-operation with the British government--a wise and humane movement, or otherwise? It was a war of the rich against the poor. For guidance about compiling full citations consult Citing Primary Sources. A nation might well hesitate before the temptation to betray its allies. Can that be sound statesmanship which leaves millions of men in gloomy discontent, and possibly in a state of alienation in the day of national trouble? It early mastered the Constitution, became superior to the Union, and enthroned itself above the law. or will you profit by the blood-bought wisdom all round you, and forever expel every vestige of the old abomination from our national borders? The South fought for perfect and permanent control over the Southern laborer. It is no less a crime against the manhood of a man, to declare that he shall not share in the making and directing of the government under which he lives, than to say that he shall not acquire property and education. Write an essay in which you argue which claims represent the strongest support for ensuring African Americans' right to vote. It is no less a crime against the manhood of a man, to declare that he shall not share in the making and directing of the government under which he lives, than to say that he shall not acquire property and education. Congress must supplant the evident sectional tendencies of the South by national dispositions and tendencies. Plainly enough, the peace not less than the prosperity of this country is involved in the great measure of impartial suffrage. The Rebel States have still an anti-national policy. Go here for more about FrederickDouglass' Appeal toCongress for ImpartialSuffrage. ----, "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," (January 1867). Garrison, William Lloyd, 1805-1879--Correspondence, - The enfranchisement of an African American man is his manhood, and that the idea ofsome men getting rights and others don't is something that must be relinquished. It is supported by reasons as broad as the nature of man, and as numerous as the wants of society. The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government. It will tell how they forded and swam rivers, with what consummate address they evaded the sharp-eyed Rebel pickets, how they toiled in the darkness of night through the tangled marshes of briers and thorns, barefooted and weary, running the risk of losing their lives, to warn our generals of Rebel schemes to surprise and destroy our loyal army. In a pair of Atlantic articles in 1866 and '67, Douglass addressed members of the 39th session of Congress, urging them to give black Americans the right to vote. The answer plainly is, they see in this policy the only hope of saving something of their old sectional peculiarities and power. Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. <> But this mark of inferiorityall the more palpable because of a difference of colornot only dooms the negro to be a vagabond, but makes him the prey of insult and outrage everywhere. It is true that they fought side by side in the loyal cause with our gallant and patriotic white soldiers, and that, but for their help, divided as the loyal States were, the Rebels might have succeeded in breaking up the Union, thereby entailing border wars and troubles of unknown duration and incalculable calamity. They fought the government, not because they hated the government as such, but because they found it, as they thought, in the way between them and their one grand purpose of rendering permanent and indestructible their authority and power over the Southern laborer. These sable millions are too powerful to be allowed to remain either indifferent or discontented. It is true that, in many of the rebellious States, they were almost the only reliable friends the nation had throughout the whole tremendous war. "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" in The Atlantic Monthly, 19 (January, 1867) Oration in Memory of Abraham Lincoln (1876) My Escape from Slavery (1881) . African American newspapers--New York (State)--Rochester, - The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect, is a doctrine which we must banish as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. Frederick Douglass, Refugee David W. Blight. To make peace with our enemies is all well enough; but to prefer our enemies and sacrifice our friends,to exalt our enemies and cast down our friends,to clothe our enemies, who sought the destruction of the government, with all political power, and leave our friends powerless in their hands,is an act which need not be characterized here. Exclude the negroes as a class from political rights,teach them that the high and manly privilege of suffrage is to be enjoyed by white citizens only, that they may bear the burdens of the state, but that they are to have no part in its direction or its honors,and you at once deprive them of one of the main incentives to manly character and patriotic devotion to the interests of the government; in a word, you stamp them as a degraded caste,you teach them to despise themselves, and all others to despise them. It only asks for a large degraded caste, which shall have no political rights. If these bless them, they are blest indeed; but if these blast them, they are blasted indeed. For in respect to this grand measure it is the good fortune of the negro that enlightened selfishness, not less than justice, fights on his side. Founded in 1969 and hailed by The New York Times as a journal in which the writings of many of todays finest black thinkers may be viewed, THE BLACK SCHOLAR has firmly established itself as the leading journal of black cultural and political thought in the United States and remains under the editorship of Robert Chrisman, Editor-In-Chief, Robert Allen, Senior Editor, and Maize Woodford, Executive Editor. For in respect to this grand measure it is the good fortune of the negro that enlightened selfishness, not less than justice, fights on his side. The last and shrewdest turn of Southern politics is a recognition of the necessity of getting into Congress immediately, and at any price. Richardson family--Correspondence, - They now stand before Congress and the country, not complaining of the past, but simply asking for a better future. There is but one safe and constitutional way to banish that mischievous hope from the South, and that is by lifting the laborer beyond the unfriendly political designs of his former master. It is plain that, if the right belongs to any, it belongs to all. This ends the case. Also available in digital form on the Library of Congress Web site. Their history is parallel to that of the country; but while the history of the latter has been cheerful and bright with blessing, theirs has been heavy and dark with agonies and curses. But this mark of inferiorityall the more palpable because of a difference of colornot only dooms the negro to be a vagabond, but makes him the prey of insult and outrage everywhere. Is not Austria wise in removing all ground of complaint against her on the part of Hungary? Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country. Man is the only government-making animal in the world. Will you repeat the mistake of your fathers, who sinned ignorantly? 20072023 Blackpast.org. These sable millions are too powerful to be allowed to remain either indifferent or discontented. Waiving humanity, national honor, the claims of gratitude, the precious satisfaction arising from deeds of charity and justice to the weak and defenceless,--the appeal for impartial suffrage addresses itself with great pertinency to the darkest, coldest, and flintiest side of the human heart, and would wring righteousness from the unfeeling calculations of human selfishness. Address to Congress on Women's Suffrage - Quizizz Assing, Ottilie--Correspondence, - It is impossible at this point in time to rid African Americans from the country.2. This ends the case. We want no longer any heavy-footed, melancholy service from the negro. Statesmen, beware what you do. Request Permissions. All this and more is true of these loyal negroes. Massachusetts and South Carolina may draw tears from the eyes of our tender-hearted President by walking arm in arm into his Philadelphia Convention, but a citizen of Massachusetts is still an alien in the Palmetto State. A character is demanded of him, and here as elsewhere demand favors supply. Though the battle is for the present lost, the hope of gaining this object still exists, and pervades the whole South with a feverish excitement. The answers to these questions are too obvious to require statement. The work of destruction has already been set in motion all over the South. It will tell how these poor people, whose rights we still despised, behaved to our wounded soldiers, when found cold, hungry, and bleeding on the deserted battle-field; how they assisted our escaping prisoners from Andersonville, Belle Isle, Castle Thunder, and elsewhere, sharing with them their wretched crusts, and otherwise affording them aid and comfort; how they promptly responded to the trumpet call for their services, fighting against a foe that denied them the rights of civilized warfare, and for a government which was without the courage to assert those rights and avenge their violation in their behalf; with what gallantry they flung themselves upon Rebel fortifications, meeting death as fearlessly as any other troops in the service. _E/sZ@)m"\ kAk> ,?/. Does any sane man doubt for a moment that the men who followed Jefferson Davis through the late terrible Rebellion, often marching barefooted and hungry, naked and penniless, and who now only profess an enforced loyalty, would plunge this country into a foreign war to-day, if they could thereby gain their coveted independence, and their still more coveted mastery over the negroes? Question 4 60 seconds Q. Carrie Chapman uses the words of which historical men to persuade to congress to allow women to vote? endobj "Frederick Douglass (African American abolitionist and civil right 's leader), "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage," January 1867". An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage NOT COMPLAINING OF THE PAST, SIMPLY ASKING FOR A BETTER FUTURE An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage Go here for more about Frederick Douglass. Nations, not less than individuals, reap as they sow. Here they are, four millions of them, and, for weal or for woe, here they must remain. But no such appeal shall be relied on here. There is something immeasurably mean, to say nothing of the cruelty, in placing the loyal negroes of the South under the political power of their Rebel masters. The fundamental and unanswerable argument in favor of the enfranchisement of the negro is found in the undisputed fact of his manhood. Give the negro the elective franchise, and you give him at once a powerful motive for all noble exertion, and make him a man among men. They are too numerous and useful to be colonized, and too enduring and self-perpetuating to disappear by natural causes. Frederick Douglass's Vision for a Reborn America - The Atlantic Loyalty is hardly safe with traitors. Find the collection. To make peace with our enemies is all well enough; but to prefer our enemies and sacrifice our friends, to exalt our enemies and cast down our friends, to clothe our enemies, who sought the destruction of the government, with all political power, and leave our friends powerless in their hands, is an act which need not be characterized here. For better or for worse, (as in some of the old marriage ceremonies,) the negroes are evidently a permanent part of the American population. "An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" | Library of Congress As a nation, we cannot afford to have amongst us either this indifference and stupidity, or that burning sense of wrong. The doctrine that some men have no rights that others are bound to respect is a doctrine which we must banish, as we have banished slavery, from which it emanated. His address, given in January 1867 in Washington, D.C., during the Congressional debate on black Read More(1867) Frederick Douglass, "Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage" 104 104. Freedom of speech and of the press it slowly but successfully banished from the South, dictated its own code of honor and manners to the nation, brandished the bludgeon and the bowie-knife over Congressional debate, sapped the foundations of loyalty, dried up the springs of patriotism, blotted out the testimonies of the fathers against oppression, padlocked the pulpit, expelled liberty from its literature, invented nonsensical theories about master-races and slave-races of men, and in due season produced a Rebellion fierce, foul, and bloody. Arming the negro was an urgent military necessity three years ago, are we sure that another quite as pressing may not await us? Once firmly seated in Congress, their alliance with Northern Democrats re-established, their States restored to their former position inside the Union, they can easily find means of keeping the Federal government entirely too busy with other important matters to pay much attention to the local affairs of the Southern States. Enfranchise them, and they become self-respecting and country-loving citizens. An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage by Frederick Douglass An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage was published in the Atlantic Monthly, Issue 19, January 1867, pp. Plainly enough, the peace not less than the prosperity of this country is involved in the great measure of impartial suffrage. The soil is in readiness, and the seed-time has come. her fellow suffragettes. The answers to these questions are too obvious to require statement. The ploughshare of rebellion has gone through the land beam-deep. Hardships, services, sufferings, and sacrifices are all waived. What does the following sentence from the essay An Appeal to Congress for Impartial Suffrage by Frederick Douglas depict Impartial history will paint them as men who deserved well of their country It will tell how they forded and swam rivers with what consummate address they evaded the sharp eyed Rebel pickets how they toiled in the darkness of Can that statesmanship be wise which would leave the negro good ground to hesitate, when the exigencies of the country required his prompt assistance? Nor can we afford to endure the moral blight which the existence of a degraded and hated class must necessarily inflict upon any people among whom such a class may exist. Frederick Douglass with his second wife Helen Pitts and her sister Eva The young men of the South burn with the desire to regain what they call the lost cause; the women are noisily malignant towards the Federal government.

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